The denizens of the Capitol have a special stake in the outcome of the gubernatorial contest: If a Democrat wins, the legislative majority will be able to push through a gerrymander that likely will ensure a Democratic majority for the first decade of the 21st century. If a Republican wins, the governor will veto any plan that favors Democrats, thus weakening their hold on either house.

Once a decade, using the census as the basis, the boundaries of political districts are redrawn to reflect the shifts in population. In some cases, new districts are added to accommodate increases in population. California, for example, currently has 52 congressional seats, but the next reapportionment is expected to add three new seats.

The courts ruled that reapportionment was necessary to ensure equitable representation in the U.S. House, and state Senate and Assembly. Prior to regular reapportionment, some districts -- such as those held by rural members of the Senate -- had power and influence far beyond the numbers of their constituents.

So in theory, the redrawing of districts is purely technical and devoid of partisanship, and in its mind-numbing complexity it surely ranks among the least understood publicly of all political activities.

But in reality, this reapportioning of Senate, Assembly and Congressional districts is perhaps the most fiercely partisan and bitter of all political activities. It pits politician against politician, sometimes even those of the same party, in a fight for survival as the party in power redraws districts to maximize favorable registration and maintain its power.

The law says the Legislature must redraw the boundaries once a decade. In practice, that means the majority party draws the new maps, trying to craft districts that give the greatest benefit to its own members at the expense of the opposition.

In 1990, Pete Wilson, then an incumbent U.S. senator, ran for governor at the urgent behest of the Republican Party, which hoped to block majority Democrats under the leadership of Willie Brown and David Roberti from pushing through a partisan reapportionment. Wilson did exactly that by vetoing the Democrats' maps.

The practical result of the governor's veto was to push reapportionment into the courts where, ultimately, it was decided by a court-appointed special master.

Now, as the November 1998 general election nears, California finds itself in a similar situation.

The Democrats already are gearing up to draw their maps, and Republicans view the election of conservative GOP contender Dan Lungren as a necessity to ensure their survival. That means that, if elected, Lungren's first sacred duty will be to veto any Democratic reapportionment.

And, like Wilson before him, there is no question that he will do exactly that.

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