Rarely does a theme suddenly emerge on the opening day that proves critical to the campaign and is sustained until Election Day.

Such an event occurred in 1982, when then-Gov. Jerry Brown kicked off his U.S. Senate general election campaign at the Democrats' traditional forum: organized labor's picnic at the Alameda County fairgrounds in Pleasanton.

On that day, although it was the traditional day of unity for Democrats, the candidates for major statewide offices gave Brown a wide birth on the stage and sought to distance themselves from him as much as possible. They shunned him then, and they continued to shun him as the campaign proceeded. The schism between the former governor and the other major political candidates, obvious from the opening moment, was a major factor in that race, which Brown lost decisively.

Last week, Republican Attorney General Dan Lungren formally kicked off his campaign for governor, and on the first day in his first appearance before the press as a formal candidate, he raised an issue that is likely to become -- whether he wants it to or not -- the defining theme of his campaign. The issue, surprisingly, is religion.

Lungren, who stressed his own Catholicism, said he was outraged at the "moral erosion" of society, which he said was at the root of society's ills. He said his campaign would be a spiritual crusade to restore virtue in government, emphasizing that he believes in penance and redemption, and he suggested the creation of commission, along the lines of one established in Texas by Gov. George Bush Jr., to examine the issue.

Clearly, Lungren has injected religion into the campaign because he truly believes the issue needs to be addressed. But it is a dangerous strategy, as even some Republicans privately agree, and it is uncertain how it will ultimately play out before the electorate.

Lungren says his position does not blur the constitutional lines between church and state.

But at the least, he will be forced to explain his position and face this issue at virtually every major campaign stop. As his campaign rolls forward and the public becomes more familiar with him, he runs the risk of being labeled the "religious candidate" in the same mold as fundamentalist Christians who, while well organized and vocal, tend to be to the right of the general electorate.

Moreover, a rule of thumb in California politics is that a Republican candidate wraps up the right wing early and then moves to the center as November approaches. When Lungren makes that shift, will the right sense betrayal? California's most successful politicians -- Ronald Reagan is a perfect example -- maintained their fundamental base publicly while being negotiating privately with moderates. Will Lungren display the same flexibility? If he can't, he loses.

Democrats, of course, were delighted at Lungren's position. Citing polls, they say a pro-religion, anti-abortion candidate is out of step with California society, and Al Checchi, Gray Davis and Jane Harman will spare no pains to point this out at every opportunity.

Capitol Action Weekly has said before that California's 1998 gubernatorial election is likely to be the most remarkable in recent memory. In the wake of Lungren's announcement tour, we say it again -- in spades.

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