Burton? The profane, liberal Democrat from San Francisco who wears ties with his polo shirts, often seems to enjoy playing the buffoon during floor debate and, by his own public admissions, suffered addiction to cocaine?

Did ruling Democrats in the stodgy, tradition-bound upper house actually choose Burton, who once spoke to a congressional committee for 10 minutes in pig latin, and once introduced legislation making it a crime to be poor?

They did indeed, and on Friday morning they made it official: all but two of the Senate's 23 Democrats, meeting behind closed doors on the third floor of the Capitol, picked the 65-year-old Burton to be the next Senate president pro tempore, a cumbersome title that simply means leader of the Senate. It is arguably the second-most powerful state political job after the governor.

Burton's accession to power -- the formal transfer will take place during a floor vote within a few weeks -- caps a remarkable, roller-coaster political career that started in Sacramento 34 years ago and may not have yet reached its finale.

The lanky, pop-eyed Burton, a surprisingly cerebral man with a tart tongue and a sinister sense of humor, is a genuine character in the Capitol. He is known for his fierce partisanship, his contempt for authority, his colorful putdowns -- he routinely refers to Gov. Pete Wilson as "Pee Wee" and "The Little Marine" -- and his refusal to suffer fools gladly.

But underneath the corrosive commentary and the flamboyance, Burton is an outspoken, aggressive liberal with an encyclopedic knowledge of the mechanics of politics. He and his late brother, Congressman Phil Burton, were known as a powerful political team when they served together in the House, and between them they crafted reapportionment plans for California congressional districts that were true examples of the gerrymanderer's art and extended Democrats' grasp on power even beyond their numbers.

John Burton is also one of San Francisco Mayor and former Assembly Speaker Willie Brown's oldest friends -- they met in college when Burton was 19 -- and they have remained close for nearly five decades.

Burton was elected to the Assembly in 1964 and served a decade, leaving for Congress in 1974. He stayed there until 1982, then abruptly left because, as he said later, of his drug problem. He spent the next six years rebuilding his life, and his law practice, and returned to the Assembly in 1988. In 1997, he was elected to the Senate.

Whatever his image among the general public, Burton is loved in his San Francisco district and respected by his colleagues. Senate sources said he was chosen for two principal reasons -- his ability as a prolific fund-raiser, a consideration of prime importance to politicians seeking re-election, and his proven track record as a reapportionment warrior.

The only real question mark is whether the mercurial Burton will be able to keep his temper in check and assume the demeanor of a state leader. He seemed to realize this, too: His first comments after being selected pro tem were about his fiery personality.

He said outgoing President Pro Tem Bill Lockyer asked him if he could control his temper.

"And I said, 'The only time I lose my temper is when I'm talking to you.'"

For reporters, Burton's new role is a professional delight. In a Capitol that has become increasingly boring to cover, the unpredictable Burton promises to offer journalists an interesting ride.

Fasten your seat belts...

A few quibbles with this week's [Jan. 12] newsletter. First, Prop. 208 was approved by 61 percent of the electorate -- an overwhelming majority for an initiative of this type. Second, the measure was not as "carefully crafted" as the proponents would assert. Many provisions, even before Judge Karlton's ruling, had to be modified, interpreted or "saved" by the FPPC to take effect (such as the limit on independent expenditures and the lobbyist definition). Finally, while it is VERY expensive to run a campaign statewide in the Golden State, such large expenditures by themselves are not "scandalous," particularly with the need to communicate on TV to 33 million residents. In the end, Prop. 208's apparent demise was in large part due to its complexity. Like the First Amendment itself, keeping campaign reform simple is the answer.

-Brian Maas

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