Having completed the first draft of my 42-page thesis last week, the reality of graduating from college continues to sink in. A mere two and a half weeks of classes remain, followed by several weeks of relaxation before I bring this chapter of my life to a close. Come May 23, my bags will be packed and my drive from New York back to California will begin.

The reality will surely sink in even more with each passing day. And my sentimentality will only increase. Bear with me.

Have a great week!

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But in what may become the single most signficant decision of his governorship, Davis decided to submit the court-blocked Proposition 187 to a federal appellate panel for mediation.

The Democratic Davis, an opponent of Proposition 187, could have halted the initiative in its tracks by refusing to press the appeal launched by the Republican Wilson.

Instead, Davis sought mediation -- an all but unheard of procedure to ascertain the constitutionality of a ballot initiative. His action means that Proposition 187 will remain unresolved for months, even years. Davis clearly sees this delay as beneficial to him.

Bitterly controversial, Proposition 187 was approved in 1994 by 59 percent of California's voters. The initiative, pushed by Wilson as part of his gubernatorial campaign, barred illegal immigrants from obtaining most social services, including schooling and welfare.

But the law was blocked by a federal judge in Los Angeles, who said the initiative was unconstitutional because immigration regulation comes under the jurisdiction of the federal government, not the states.

Wilson appealed that judge's ruling. But Wilson left office before the issues was resolved, and when Davis -- an outspoken opponent of Proposition 187 -- took over he was faced with the question of continuing the appeal or dropping it. That seemed to be a simple -- if difficult -- choice, and given Davis' public statements about wedge-issue politics in general and Proposition 187 in particular, it seemed likely he would drop the appeal.

When he didn't, the sense of betrayal among Latinos was palpable, with the strongest condemnation coming from Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante, a Democratic team player who rarely talks out of turn. But when Davis announced his decision, Bustamante reacted angrily, saying he was disappointed in the governor and suggesting that Davis failed to live up to his promise to end the "era of wedge-issue politics."

Bustamante's comments were critical, because they signal what may well be the beginning of widespread disenchantment with Davis among Latinos, who are the fastest growing segment of California's population and a widening political force. Bustamante, too, arguably is California's ranking Latino politician, enjoying more recognition -- although less real power -- than Antonio Villaraigosa, the Democratic Assembly speaker.

As Davis gets his administration under way, the last thing he needs is to lose support from such a key constituency as the Latinos who played a significant role in Davis' 20-point landslide over Dan Lungren last November. Some observers in the Capitol question whether Davis is in trouble with Latinos, noting that Davis is more agreeable to them than any of the top Republican contenders.

But a lot can happen before 2002, when Davis is up for re-election, and Latinos by that time may have decided to cast their support to the No. 2 man in the Capitol's ground-floor offices -- Bustamante.

It could happen.

Simply because some mental health providers engage in fraud doesn't mean that these essential services should not be covered by health insurance. Many mental illnesses have physiological and biological causes, and yet are still not covered by health insurance. I find it outrageous that a physical illness would be covered and treated while a mental illness would not be. Opposing AB88 and mental health parity is denying these services to those desperately in need of them to punish the few dishonest providers.

Jimmy Sheldon

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