What I will say, though, is that it never ceases to amaze me how many people cancel their subscriptions to this newsletter simply because, as one reader put it a couple weeks ago, "I do not care to read about the personal life of the editor." Of course, I typically don't respond to such comments, but if I were to do so, it would go something like this...

"Then don't. Simply skip the section that doesn't interest you and read what does. If you subscribed to this newsletter to read about what's happening in California government (as I assume most of you do; I don't flatter myself to the point of thinking that there's a contingency of you out there, aside from friends and family, who subscribes to this newsletter simply to read about what's going on in my life), then, by all means, read the clearly marked section that interests you. When I open the paper in the morning -- or any number of electronic newsletters to which I subscribe -- I don't need to read every story and advertisement to get to the content that I find appealing. I simply skip past it. I don't cancel my subscription to The Chronicle just because I don't like a particular section."

If you have a minute, dear readers, tell me what's going on in YOUR life, if you're so inclined. Unlike many former subscribers, I do find people interesting and am curious about my readers.

-Gabe

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In the Capitol press corps, the Democratic governor is generally regarded as cautious, bland, humorless, distant, wooden, a fund-raising master without deep conviction and driven by ambition to the exclusion of all else. Over the years, there has been ample anecdotal and documented evidence to support all of these characterizations, and more.

But the national media, exemplified best by recent stories in Time magazine and The Washington Post, view Davis as a fearless innovator on the cutting edge of change, pushing the Golden State ahead in such things as social programs, gun control, gay rights and tort reform.

It is striking that those who know him least like him the best.

Certainly, Davis' whopping 20-point victory over Republican challenger Dan Lungren in last year's election has something to do with this. Lungren was viewed as the rising star of the GOP when he announced his intention to run for governor -- an announcement, by the way, that first surfaced in the conservative Washington Times -- and when Davis decisively defeated him in a come-from-behind battle, Davis' campaign credentials were firmly established.

It also is true that Davis' self-proclaimed adherence to the political center is winning him support among an electorate that eschews extremes. Critics contend that Davis simply reaped the fruits of the strategy developed by President Clinton, who in 1992 carried the state for the first time in three decades. They also believe Davis' much-touted moderation masks an essential timidity, and stems more from his fear of controversy than any deeply rooted conviction.

But his supporters believe Davis is succeeding because he has tapped into the core of the electorate, who want prudent management and problem-solving rather than histrionics. That Davis is an effective manager is undisputed by even his toughest critics: As chief of staff, he virtually ran California's government under the mercurial Jerry Brown. Davis' knowledge of the Byzantine corridors of the bureaucracy is unsurpassed, indeed unprecedented, in a California governor. This knowledge is serving him well now.

Effective governors generally have a good public relations staff. Remarkably, however, this does not seem to be the case with Davis, whose communications staff appears to make more problems for reporters than they solve. In reality, Davis is his own communications guru, and for critical problems he seeks help outside his administration from his former campaign manager rather than the people he's hired.

Too, it is remarkable that Davis has so few longtime loyalists on his staff. Indeed, for someone who has been an insider in Sacramento for so long, it is remarkable that his cadre of loyalists is so small. It is true that some of his appointments have been supporters, but few have been personally committed to him over time, and fewer still have been identified as "Davis' people." Again, this is unusual in Sacramento, where the potential members of an administration are names that are familiar to the press and are the focus of news stories even before the governor-elect takes the oath.

Unlike Ronald Reagan, Pat Brown, Pete Wilson, Jerry Brown -- or even George Deukmejian -- Davis does not appear to be a man who meets informally and regularly with his high command, perhaps over a beer or a dinner, to thrash out the problems of the day. Rather, he seems to govern by remote control in a very top-down, almost military fashion. Interestingly, Davis' management style is closest, perhaps, to that of George Deukmejian, a conservative Republican. But even Deukmejian, in private, was viewed as congenial and accessible. Davis enjoys no such perception -- at least as far as we know.

Perhaps the positive national media take on Davis is evidence of the classic dictum of the good journalist covering politicians: "Report what they do, not what they say."

But whatever the reason, Davis' national honeymoon is continuing long after his state honeymoon expired. And thus far, that seems just fine with him.

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